The Boys of Birmingham

Thursday, March 19, 2015

Barack Obama Selma Voting Rights Act

Friend -- 

Earlier this month, I stood on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama, with a personal hero of mine, Congressman John Lewis. We stood in the exact spot where, fifty years before, he and hundreds of other brave men and women had marched for every American's right to cast their vote.

Standing there on such an important anniversary was a once-in-a-lifetime experience for me -- and it only served to emphasize how important it is that we make voting even easier and even more accessible. Again and again, throughout our nation's history, regular folks who believed in the right of every person to have his or her vote count have sacrificed their time, resources, and even their lives to protect our voting process. We can't let that work be undone.

The Voting Rights Act -- the culmination of the work that began when these men and women set out across that bridge fifty years ago -- needs to be protected. Don't let this moment pass without taking a stand. Add your name to protect voting rights today:

http://my.democrats.org/Protect-Voting-Rights

This is important. Thanks for being a part of it.

Barack Obama

Saturday, March 14, 2015

Life Post Jack the Ripper: Pollution is what's secretly causing all of this. So it goes on.

Pamela Anderson gets restraining order against Rick Salomon, who calls her a 'serial baby killer'


Pamela Anderson has just been given a restraining order against her husband Rick Salomon. In court papers, Anderson, who’s divorcing Salomon, alleges he tried to smother and strangle her while having sex in January. Her filing, however, exposes a number of eyebrow-raising claims about her made by Salomon.
According to Anderson’s documents, while having sex a couple of months ago, Salomon allegedly tried to smother her with a pillow as well as strangle her. She also says on more than one occasion he’s supposedly called her such names as “slut” and “crack whore.” But in her filing, Anderson also mentions allegations made by Salomon about her, including an email he sent that says the former “Baywatch” star is a “serial baby killer,” who begged at least two of her husbands to have kids and then aborted the babies. Salomon alleges that in the past she’s been pregnant with both his and Kid Rock’s babies, and in both instances the fetuses were aborted.
Salomon, who’s seeking an annulment to the marriage, also claimed that Anderson, a reported vegetarian and animal-rights activist, eats fish and makes pork for her boys. Gossip Cop has reached out to Anderson’s rep for more information about the restraining order, and a comment about Salomon’s allegations.

Zebra Killer Caught at Last, one of Many Zebra Killers

'Zebra Killer' J.C.X. Simon found dead in San Quentin prison cell



SAN FRANCISCO — J.C.X. Simon—one of the so-called "Zebra Killers" convicted of multiple murders of white San Franciscans in the 1970s—has died, prison officials said Friday.
Simon, 69, was pronounced dead at San Quentin prison at 11:59 p.m. Thursday after being found unresponsive in his cell, Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation officials said. The cause of death is unknown pending the results of an autopsy.
Simon entered the prison system on March 30, 1976, to serve a life sentence with the possibility of parole. He was convicted in San Francisco County of two counts of first-degree murder, conspiracy to commit first-degree murder and assault with a deadly weapon.
He and three other men—who were also sentenced to life terms—were convicted after what was described at the time as "San Francisco's longest criminal trial," with 174 witnesses testifying.
A total of 14 people were killed and at least seven wounded.
The suspects were all black and young, and the search for perpetrators unleashed a dragnet that pulled in many innocent men for questioning. U.S. District Judge Alfonso Zirpoli halted the wholesale questioning of blacks in the racial slayings.
In a case brought by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the American Civil Liberties Union, Zirpoli ruled that although the stops might be "logical and practical," they constituted illegal "deprivation of another's constitutional rights."
The random killings of whites occurred between 1973 and 1976. The suspects were named for the police channel used to try to identify and capture them.
The trial relied on testimony from Anthony C. Harris, who allegedly participated in the "hunts" for white victims and turned against the others. Harris testified that the men were an offshoot of the Fruit of Islam called the Death Angels.
According to a December 1975 Los Angeles Times report, the Death Angels had a plan to "run all the whites out of San Francisco" and establish the city as the Death Angels headquarters.
The slain victims ranged in age from 15 to 87. They did not know one another, nor did those who were wounded.
Still serving life sentences with the possibility of parole are: Larry Green, 63, incarcerated at California State Prison-Solano in Vacaville; Manuel Moore, 70, at Ironwood State Prison in Blythe; and Jessie Lee Cooks, 70, at Richard J. Donovan Correctional Facility in San Diego.

Tuesday, March 10, 2015

Black people probably need the death penalty abolished. Seems not unlikely.

5th World Congress against the Death Penalty (Madrid, June 12 to 15, 2013)

The 5th World Congress against the death penalty will take place in Madrid from 12 to 15 June 2013
Progress is being made towards the universal abolition of the death penalty. Over the last 40 years, the world has seen a significant shift towards abolition, with the percentage of States giving up the death penalty rising from 20% to over 70%. This international trend has considerably gained in pace over the last two decades, thanks to the emergence and growth of an international abolitionist movement combining ongoing efforts in the political sphere with those of civil society’s actors. Since 2001, the World Congress against the death penalty, organised by Ensemble Contre la Peine de Mort (ECPM – Together against the Death Penalty) in partnership with the World Coalition against the Death Penalty, has become an abolitionist event not to be missed. After Strasburg in 2001, Montreal in 2004, Paris in 2007, and Geneva in 2010, the 5th World Congress will be held in Madrid, at the invitation of the Spanish government, and with the support of the Norwegian, Swiss and French governments.
During three days, the World Congress unites members of international civil society, politicians, and legal experts to elaborate abolitionist strategies for the years to come at the national, regional, and international levels, and to send out a clear message to the world: that universal abolition is essential for a world where progress and justice must prevail.
Fifteen hundred people, from over 90 countries across the five continents, are expected to attend the 5th World Congress against the death penalty in Madrid. Amongst them will be numerous public figures, from both political and cultural arenas who will play an important role as spokespersons for the abolitionist cause, with journalists from all over the world.
The World Congresses have thus been the scene of declarations and commitments by many prominent figures who campaign on the issue, including Navanethem Pillay, Micheline Calmy-Rey, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, Abdou Diouf, Renate Wohlwend, Ibrahim Najjar, Robert Badinter, Ahmed Herzenni, Shirin Ebadi, and Sister Helen Prejean, to name just a few...
The 5th World Congress aims to play an increasingly influential role in an international political strategy by encouraging cooperation between States, international organisations, and civil societies. A Core Group, made up of members from every continent and from the International Commission against the death penalty, will guarantee the high-ranking level in terms of political representation. The 5th World Congress against the death penalty will also focus on the Arab and African regions. This objective fits in with the opportunities for change following the Arab Spring and with Spain’s geopolitical situation, at the heart of the Euro Mediterranean area.The first Regional Congress against the death penalty, held in Rabat, Morocco, in October 2012 mobilised political actors, representatives of various existent or emerging coalitions, and media from the region.
Despite the progress noted over the past decades, there are still many challenges ahead. New opportunities for abolitionist campaigners are emerging and strategies must be reinvented in order to bring change to the last remaining areas of resistance.
The 5th World Congress against the death penalty is thus designed as part of an integrated approach, following the 2012 Regional Congress in Morocco, and will mobilise key figures (from political and civil society) in the abolitionist community from every continent!
Two plenary sessions, eleven round tables and eight workshops will take place over two days of debates.


President Obama is my weird little brother. He doesn't know that yet, he thinks otherwise.

Here's what it's like when President Obama gets mad



(He doesn't get mad...he gets odd, not even. Well, he's like old me, sitting on the bus, taking the pain. Except he only takes a modicum of pain. That's what he's doing being president. Me, I think I'm a fly on the ball.)
When he's mad, President Barack Obama gets eerily quiet. 
A 21-year-old former Duke University football and basketball star improbably became then-Senator Obama's right-hand man during his first presidential campaign.
Reggie Love went on to work as Obama's personal aide for five years, crisscrossing the nation with America's future president, serving him meals, carrying around his luggage, buying him clothes, challenging him on the basketball court, and babysitting for his children.
In a new memoir, "Power Forward: My Presidential Education," Love discusses being by Obama's side "on the campaign trail when no one believed in him" to the "seconds before stepping onstage to be sworn in as the 44th President of the United States of America." Love also shared stories of what it's like to upset the president. 
Here are some of the times Love saw Obama's angry side.

Losing Obama's wallet and briefcase

© Provided by Business Insider
In 2007 after a fundraiser in Florida, Love accidentally misplaced then-Senator Obama's Tumi  briefcase containing his keys, wallet, credit cards, and notes he needed for his upcoming debate in South Carolina.
"The plane was airborne, the bag was missing, and I proceeded to have a full-blown panic attack. Sweat began to bleed through my clothes. My heart raced like a cornered rabbit. In my head I prayed he wouldn't notice, that I'd have time to find the bag and by some miracle get it back to him before he realized it had vanished," Love writes.
Love was able to contact a campaign finance assistant who then notified a Secret Service agent about the missing bag.
The team was able to recover the Tumi briefcase and send it with a campaign member who was also en route to watch the debate in Columbia.
"When we landed in Columbia, I was feeling a modicum of relief, believing maybe disaster had been averted, maybe this would all resolve without any drama, and it was precisely at that moment that the candidate turned to me and said, 'Hey Reg, where's my bag?'  I went with, 'It's on its way.'  ' What do you mean 'on the way? ' he asked. 'It's coming from Florida,' I said. 'You left my briefcase in Florida,' he stated, incredulous."
Love describes the worst part about upsetting Obama, the silence. 
"The silence, felt worse than being reprimanded. As we rode to the Columbia campaign headquarters without another word passing between us I thought, That's it, I'm fired. I kept hoping he would break the tension and yell at me," Love writes.
Once they arrived at the campaign office, Obama asked for a private room so that he could have a meeting with Love. 
With a clam and 'even and firm' voice Obama began, "Listen, Reggie, I think you're a great guy. But, (Obama paused and leaned forward) if you're not up to doing this job, I can get someone else to do it. You have one job and if I have to worry about all this stuff, then you're not making it easy for me to do my job."
"Get your act together, Reggie. Help me do my job," he said as he rose from the table and walked out of the room.

Overbooking Obama's schedule

© Provided by Business Insider
In December of 2007, Obama's schedule was filled with back-to-back campaign events that ran over the allotted time limit. Love was responsible for informing various organizations that the candidate would be tardy, but was unable to do so. 
"Obama turned to me and said through tight teeth, 'Reggie, this is messed up.' And I, cracking from the day and the stress and the hours still left to go, stupidly replied  'Well, if you didn't stay so long at the luncheon, we wouldn't have this problem.' The air went still. It was like that eerie calm before a tornado swoops in and levels your entire house. Nobody said anything."
According to Love, Obama then turned to aide Marvin Nicholson and said "Marvin, talk to Reggie because I am not having this conversation with him."
After Love was "schooled" by Nicholson, he accidentally made another error, he got Obama's lunch order wrong.

Messing up Obama's lunch

© Provided by Business Insider
After the same luncheon that caused Obama's schedule to go array, Love forgot to save the candidate a meal while Obama was "working the room, giving a talk, and fielding questions."
"You got my taquitos, Reggie? he inquired wearily. 'I left the taquitos at the venue, sir, I assumed you wouldn't want them; they were three hours old,' I confessed. Obama looked at me with blank disbelief. I might as well have left his bag in the car again," Love writes.
Love was responsible for most of Obama's meals while on the campaign trail and quickly learned that the senator wanted his food "as healthy as he could get on the road." According to Love, Obama preferred grilled fish or chicken, sandwiches, salads with either ranch or vinaigrette dressing, and lots of Gala apples. 
"There were days when he specifically wanted X. And Lord help me if he'd made his mind up about what he wanted and I delivered the wrong thing. Or if it came with mayo. Or was undercooked. Or soggy. If there was one thing you didn't want to watch, it was the time-pressed candidate scraping a gooey, loathed condiment off the only food he was going to eat for the next seven hours," Love writes. 
"Sometimes he'd mutter, 'This was the thirty minutes I had to myself, and now I can't even enjoy my meal."

Messing up Obama's snacks

© Provided by Business Insider
The night before Love's first official trip as Obama's "chief of stuff" he made a trip to a local supermarket to buy black and silver Sharpie's, black pilot G2 Gel Roller pens, Trident chewing gum, and trail mix.
Mulling over the plethora of trail mix options Love recalls, "Salted or dry roasted? Sweet or spicy? With or without dried fruit or candy? I realized I hadn't a clue what the man (Senator Obama) would like. I also had an accompanying thought: how much could it possibly matter? He'd be grateful regardless, right?"
Turns out, the trail mix selection did matter to Obama.
Hours later Love flew with the senator on a commercial flight from D.C. to LaGuardia. While on the flight Love offered Obama the bag of trail mix. 
"The senator opened the bag of trail mix I'd bought and proceeded to pick out every M&M, holding them all in his palm like pieces of candy-coated toxic waste. 'I'm not going to eat these,' he said while pushing his hand in my general direction. 'Do you want them?' he asked, wrinkling his nose. 'No thank you, sir,' I answered, then made the first of what would be thousands of notes to self: No candy with the trail mix."

Saturday, March 7, 2015

“Bloody Sunday” gets overemphasized above successful people, the enemy takes advantage of it. Oh, well.

Selma’s Legacy--the Good, Bad and Ugly--Is Now



“If Selma taught us anything,” said President Barack Obama during his keynote speech at the Alabama city’s Edmund Pettus Bridge on Saturday, “it’s that the work continues.” Stating that “this nation’s racial history casts a long shadow” over the present day, Obama gave a stirring address that called on Americans to renew the quest for freedom that animated demonstrators during the civil rights movement’s heroic period.
But eloquent words fall short of necessary policy prescriptions.
Fifty years after a group of almost 600 peaceful demonstrators, many dressed in their Sunday best, were routed by Alabama State Police on horseback carrying truncheons, “Bloody Sunday” has become a metaphor for the nation’s rough road toward racial justice and equality.
The violence that unspooled on national television that day, March 7, 1965, set the stage for two of the era’s most important statesman to deliver historic speeches whose words still reverberate in our time.  President Lyndon Johnson went first, eight days later, during an address to a joint congressional session, when he compared Selma’s fallen heroes to the patriots who fought the American Revolution in Lexington and Concord. The time for their full citizenship had come, Johnson insisted, for “the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy.” Johnson’s final words, “We shall overcome,” channeled the movement’s defiant optimism by directing it toward the nation rather than politicians.  
Martin Luther King Jr.’s March 25 speech in Selma offered a valediction of past movement triumphs and an acknowledgement of the long road ahead.  Major television networks transmitted King’s speech live that afternoon as he proclaimed, “Segregation is on its deathbed in Alabama.” He implored the 30,000 gathered to continue protesting: “Yes, we are on the move, and no wave of racism can stop us.”
A half-century later, Obama returns to Selma burdened by searing political responsibilities that are both historic and contemporary. The nation’s first black president visits the site of a historic showdown over race and democracy in the wake of a contemporary American racial crisis.
The release of the Justice Department’s scathing report on systemic racism in the Ferguson, Missouri police department and the President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing has produced a cascading effect, buoyed by grassroots social and policy activism, which has compelled Obama to more forcefully confront racial inequality in our own time.  
Amid national headlines outlining prisoner abuse at Rikers Island and Attica, the president spoke in Columbia, South Carolina this past Friday ahead of his keynote address in Selma. While he noted that events in Ferguson were “not a complete aberration,” Obama implored Americans to “work together to solve the problem and not get caught up either in the cynicism that says this is never going to change because everybody is racist. That’s not a good solution.”
Nor is it the lesson learned from Selma, which showcased the persistence, intelligence and self-determination (all captured in Ava Duvernay’s Oscar-winning film Selma) of the black freedom struggle, which, aided by white allies, set out to do nothing less than permanently transform American democracy.
A half-century later African-Americans in the city of Selma experience disproportionate levels of poverty and unemployment and all the social and economic hardships that accompany 21st-century-style racial segregation.
The Obama administration deserves credit for passing the Affordable Care Act, promoting the My Brother’s Keeper program aimed at helping black boys reach their potential and for speaking out more forcefully on issues of racial justice during the president’s second term. Similarly, Eric Holder’s Justice Department has made important efforts to reduce the federal prison population, end racial disparities in drug sentencing, protect voting rights and investigate police abuse in cities such as Cleveland and Ferguson.
But all of these efforts have fallen dramatically short of the radical policy transformations necessary to achieve even a semblance of racial justice in the 21st century. The best way Obama could honor Selma’s legacy is to use executive action to reform the federal criminal justice system and in the process steer billions of dollars away from incarcerating black people and toward offering rehabilitation, jobs and the economic and spiritual restoration of millions of families caught in the grips of mass incarceration.
Policy implementation requires a grand, bold and ambitious political vision. Consider for a moment Lyndon Johnson’s words on March 15, 1965.
Johnson challenged America to turn a day of national shame into a historic moment of democratic resolve: “For the cries of pain, and the hymns and protests of oppressed people, have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this greatest government of the greatest nation on earth.”
Imagine for a moment if Obama called for a similar national political reckoning on race and democracy today. Indeed, Ferguson is the latest in a long and epic battle for black equality in America.
The irony is that, in our eagerness to commemorate civil rights heroes and past demonstrations, we prove that black lives matter more retrospectively than they do in the present. The visiting dignitaries, including former president George W. Bush, who was scheduled to visit Selma in tribute, largely ignore the nation’s currently unfolding racial catastrophe. Selma is more than just a historical event marking efforts that helped in the passage of voting rights legislation. It’s a metaphor for the stubbornness of America’s Jim Crow system of racial segregation and white supremacy, but also for the heroic determination to defeat this system against long odds.
Contemporary Americans want to have it both ways. We celebrate the defeat of one form of moral, political and racial evil while denying its resilience and evolutionary capacity in our own time. Obama’s complex biography and watershed victory in 2008 attest to this Janus-faced tendency. Americans celebrate their own capacity to transcend race by electing a black president while simultaneously refusing to acknowledge glaring racial disparities in the criminal justice system, public schools, health care and employment.
Ultimately, Selma’s most important legacy, one needed now more than ever, was in the ability of demonstrators to speak their truth in a manner so unambiguously clear and courageous that it compelled presidents, priests and protesters into action. We arrive, 50 years later, at a similar historical juncture that we can dare to hope will summon the kind of national convocation that Martin Luther King Jr. and Lyndon Johnson presided over on the way to changing this country’s political landscape.  

Thursday, March 5, 2015

CAB News Online

OPINION: Another View of Robert E. Lee


By Bruce L. Brager 

Appomattox Court House

We are just a few weeks from the 150th anniversary of the effective end of the American Civil War, April 9, 2014, when Robert E. Lee surrendered the Army of North Virginia to Federal forces under Ulysses S. Grant.  The general mainstream media is almost totally ignoring the anniversary, but the chance it gives us to examine the degree to which we have learned the lessons of the war.
Slavery is gone, never to return, as least in this country. However, in some ways civil rights seems to be moving backwards. In an irony, considering the party which most strongly advocated civil rights, Republicans in their controlled states are making it harder to vote. They claim to be fighting voter fraud, regardless of the fact that virtually no people have voted illegally in recent years. In this country, just under half of Americans do not bother to vote at all. Many Americans don’t care enough to vote early or to vote in elections at all.
Our dear Supreme Court, showing flashes of the perception which gave us the Dred Scott decision, invalidated parts of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, helping states limit minority voting. I guess we will just have to rely on the Fifteenth Amendment, “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude,”  
Secession is dead; though counties trying to secede from states seems to be the newest in thing in some western states – such as in Colorado and inCalifornia.          
Federal law trumps state law, according to the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution found in Article VI, Paragraph 1. Missouri thinks this does not applyto federal gun laws.
Didn’t you think this ended in April 1865? Lee’s surrender at Appomattox ended a nasty and bloody war. For this alone, it is a good thing.  Lee’s surrender at Appomattox also provided an opportunity for true sectional and racial unity, a chance to live up to the promises of the Declaration of Independence. This chance was blown, needing the “Second Reconstruction” of the 1960s to come close. Elizabeth R. Varon’s new book, Appomattoxpoints out that Robert E. Lee laid the groundwork, probably intentionally, for the century of little progress on giving true freedom to the freed slaves.
I had always wondered why Lee was so admired. He fought against his country – there no better way of putting things. Every indication is that he was not opposed to slavery, or was at least happy to live with the benefits.  He can probably be described as a white racist. But, sadly, this did not make him unique. Lee’s prestige did, however, make him unique.
Lee ended the war being compared favorably to Ulysses S. Grant, forgetting that Lee lost a greater percentage of men under his command than Grant lost of men under his command.  Lee was by most measures a good general, but with an uncertain understanding of the best national strategy for the South. Actively defeating the North was unlikely, but using the Confederacy’s huge territory, larger than the North east of the Mississippi, provided a real chance to hold out until the North grew tired of the war. Lee preferred to attack and to raid the North. He ended up with the strategic defeat at Antietam, and the clear tactical defeat at Gettysburg.
Lee surrendered his army when they were cut off from any direction they could move with any chance of escape. He was outmaneuvered by Grant. His farewell address told his men the army had been crushed by overwhelming numbers; apparently this came as a surprise. The number of 8,000 was accepted as the final combat strength of the Army of Northern Virginia. Of course, Lee asked Grant for 25,000 rations. The claims of overwhelming odds ignored the sizable number of Confederate soldiers killed or taken prisoner at the battles of Five Forks and Sailor’s Creek, when Grant’s forces sliced large chunks off the Confederate Army like one might slice a holiday ham.  I wonder if anyone even knows how many Southerners deserted this lost cause in the last week.
Lee agreed to stop a bloody war that he could no longer win. He discouraged his men from feeling to fight as partisans. He encouraged the other main Confederate armies to surrender. He deserves credit for all of this, probably major credit. However, as Varon makes clear, Lee deserves blame for failing to put his prestige behind true racial and social reform in the South. Lee was by no means alone, but he might have done a lot more to earn his reputation as a symbol of national reconciliation.

A review essay on:
Elizabeth  R. Varon
Appomattox: Victory, Defeat, and Freedom at the End of the Civil War
New York: Oxford University Press 2014

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